The American Medical Assn.
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The vested interests are sick over it:
Americans are beginning, just slightly, to
take charge of their own health care.
 
Such bestsellers as the Doctor's Book of Home
Remedies, the Physician's Desk Reference, and the Merck Manual
can keep you out of
the doctor's appropriately named waiting room, or at least help
you understand what
is being done to you, when an apple a day does not work.
 
Who is unhappy with this increased knowledge?
  The American Medical Association, which
for almost 150 years has sought to institutionalize a rip-off
and to keep sick people
and their families oblivious to it.
  Thanks to this central committee of the medical
cartel, the number of medical schools and medical students
is drastically restricted,
state licensure further obstructs the supply of doctors,
fees are largely secret and
controlled across the industry, alternative treatments and
practitioners are
outlawed, pharmacists and nurses are hamstrung, and the mystique
of the profession
rivals the priesthood, although priests have a somewhat lower
income.   Meanwhile, the
customer pays through the nose, even if he does not go to an otolaryngologist.
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Medicaid and Medicare have contributed to the problem, but the medical cartel is the
original sin.   Through its ability to keep incomes high
by limiting supply and
outlawing competition, organized medicine has punished its
customers, although the
word is never used so as to disguise what is, after all, an economic relationship.
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Hillary Clinton's proposed merger of the medical cartel and the state seems like a
radical move, and it is.   It is also the logical next step in the partnership of
government and medicine.   That is why, in addition to opposing Hillary hammer and
tongs, we should reexamine the AMA's distortion of the medical marketplace and the
very idea of medical licensure.
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Competition among providers - as with any service in a market economy - leads to
rational pricing and maximum consumer choice.   But this is exactly what the AMA has
always sought to prevent.   The American Medical Association, organized in New York in
1848, advanced two seemingly innocent propositions in its early days: that all
doctors should have a "suitable education" and that a "uniform elevated standard of
requirements for the degree of M.D. should be adopted by all medical schools in the
U.S."   These were part of the AMA's real program, which was
openly discussed at its
conventions and in the medical journals: to secure a government-enforced medical
monopoly and high incomes for mainstream doctors.
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Membership in the new organization was open only to "regular" physicians, whose
therapies were based on the "best system of physiology and pathology, as taught in
the best schools in Europe and America."   The public had a different view, however.
Official treatments of the time, such as bloodletting and mercury poisoning, harmed
and sometimes murdered patients, causing mass outrage.
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Emphatically not included among the "best" were the homeopaths.
  Homeopathy, a less
invasive system that still thrives in Britain and Europe, may have done no good, but
that was the worst charge lodged against it.   Homeopathy did not kill people, as
Orthodox medicine did.   The homeopaths actually followed the Hippocratic injunction
"First, do not harm" and refused to worship abstract Science.  
As a result, the clergy
- an important interest group in 19th-century America -
sympathized with them.   As the
president of the New York State Medical Society noted in 1844, "We feel severely the
influence of the clergy as operating against our collective interest."
  One prominent
pastor, for example, had called the medical establishment "an expensive vampire upon
society.
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How the "regulars" came to crush the homeopaths and other competitors, and penalize
patients in the process, is a story of deception and manipulation, of industry
self-interest and state power.  
The organized regulars or allopaths first set out to
demonstrate that the homeopaths were ill-educated and
therefore should be shunned,
but that was difficult to substantiate because most of them
were converts from
orthodox medicine.
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One was William H. Holcombe.   When he graduated from the University of Pennsylvania,
he worried, as he wrote in his memoirs, that physicians "were blind men, striking in
the dark at the disease or the patient-lucky if [we] killed the malady [instead of]
the man."   One day Holcombe was called by the parents of a seriously ill child, whom
Holcombe subsequently set about to bleed.  
Bloodletting was considered especially
important for children, and the younger the child, the more blood was to be drawn.
  But the mother clutched the baby to her breast and cried, "The blood is the life - it
shall not be taken away."   When the benighted father agreed, Holcombe "explained to
him candidly, and with some display of professional dignity, that my opinion was
worth more than his or his wife's."
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Holcombe left and returned the next day, expecting to find a dead baby. Instead, the
child - who had been treated by a homeopath - was playing in the yard. Holcombe later
wrote that "after having blistered, bled, and drugged my patients for twenty-seven
years, I determined to find some more humane mode."   He was charged with violating
"medical ethics," whose first principle was:   "A physician ... should cautiously guard
against whatever may injure the general respectability of
his profession."
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Eventually, homeopathy became almost as popular as allopathy,
especially in the
Northeast and Midwest.   Many business leaders favored it and funded free dispensaries
for the poor.   This was made possible by the free market.
  From the early part of the
century until 1850, state laws interfering in medical practice were gradually
repealed.   The AMA was founded to reverse the trend.
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New York, for example, got rid of nearly all of its criminal legislation regarding
medicine, forbidding only malpractice and immoral conduct by physicians. As one state
senator said, "The people of this state have been bled long enough in their bodies
and pockets."   He called on them to demand medical freedom, in the tradition of "the
men of the Revolution."
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Most Americans were interested in nonorthodox treatments and believed they should be
allowed to compete in the marketplace.   Organized medicine claimed people were being
fooled.   But as Harris Livermore Coulter explains in his extraordinary 1969 study of
the AMA's founding, "People were deserting orthodox medicine ... not out of
ignorance, but out of knowledge of regular practice and consequent dislike of it."
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An 1848 AMA convention speaker laughed at the "mass of the community" who thought
there was "a wide difference" between a physician's "Apothecary Medicine and our
native medical plants."   The first "they regard as almost uniformly poisonous - the
other, as harmless and healthful."   He called this "an absurd idea," although
virtually none of the official treatments of the time is still In use and many drugs
from our "native medical plants" have proven to be effective.
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Worse than absurd was the effect on doctors' incomes.
  "Quackery [i.e., unofficial
treatments by unofficial practitioners] occasions a large pecuniary loss to us,"
lamented an 1846 editorial in the New York Journal of Medicine.
  Quacks "too
frequently triumph and grow rich, where wiser and better men scarcely escape
starvation."   To the medical dean at the University of Michigan, the specter of free
competition was a "discouragement" to "graduates in scientific medicine," rendering
their work "arduous and unremunerative."
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In the golden age, "the doctor could tell his patient" anything, including, "'gape,
sinner, and swallow,"' wrote J.H. Nutting in 1853.  
Then, with his "grave look of
profound wisdom," the doctor had a "reputation for almost superhuman skill." Doctors,
wrote the journal of the Massachusetts Medical Society in 1848,
should be "looked
upon by the mass of mankind with a veneration almost superstitious." Instead, there
was public contempt.
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A Michigan physician reported that the profession had "fallen so low that there are
few to do it reverence.   Quackery and empiricism in diverse forms like the locusts and
lice of Egypt, swarm over our state and are eating out the very
vitals and sucking
the life blood" of doctors, some of whom said they were denounced on the street for
bumping off their patients.
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Organized physicians argued that popular reputation meant nothing.
  In fact, claimed
the journals, a good standing in the profession usually meant a bad one with the
public.   At the same time there was the complaint - echoed by cartelizers to this day
- that there were simply too many doctors.   "The profession" is "crowded," argued one
journal, with "unworthy and ignorant men" who ought to be prohibited from practicing.
  The regulars also vilified their opponents with such works as Oliver Wendell Holmes'
Homeopathy and Its Kindred Delusions (1842).
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In 1849, the AMA worried that simply outlawing competition would not override the
public's perversity.   The only long-term "remedy against Quackery, is medical Reform,
by which a higher standard of medical education shall be secured."
  As part of this
drive, homeopathic physicians were expelled from state and local medical societies,
even if they were trained in official schools.   The AMA claimed that the public did
not know what was good for it and that the medical establishment must have
total
control.
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The organization knew it needed more than persuasion to secure a monopoly,
so it also
called for a national bureau of medicine to oversee state licensing and other
regulations.   In those limited-government days, however, the idea went nowhere. But in
the statist Progressive Era after the turn of the century,
anticompetitive measures
became respectable, and the AMA renewed its drive for a cartel,
spurred on by the
popularity of self-medication and the increasing number of medical schools and
doctors.   (In 1902, an AMA study decried the competition that had lowered physicians'
incomes.)
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The number of medical schools had increased from 90 in 1880
to 154 in 1903.   As an
official AMA history by James Gordon Burrow puts it, the "frightening competition"
showed a need for "education reform," i.e., cartelization.   The state legislatures
showed little interest in more restrictionist laws, so the AMA
appointed the
secretary of the Kentucky State Board of Health to rouse the profession to lobby.
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Joseph N. McCormack spent a decade in agitprop among the doctors
of more than 2,000
cities and towns, inspiring them with such speeches as "The Danger to the Public From
an Unorganized and Underpaid Medical Profession."   Like medical ethicists before and
since, he denounced advertising (letting customers know services and prices in
advance) and quackery (unapproved competition).  
Join our union, he said, and we will
raise your pay.   By 1910, about 70,000 doctors belonged to the AMA, an eight-fold
increase over the previous decade.
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To help bring about a higher-paid profession, the AMA in 1904 created the Council on
Medical Education, which sought to shut down more than half the existing medical
schools by rating them on a scale of A to C.   In cooperation with state medical boards
composed of what Arthur Dean Boran, head of the council, called the "right sort of
men," the AMA succeeded in cutting the number of schools to 131 by 1910, from a high
of 166.
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Then the council's secretary N.P. Colwell helped plan (and some say write) the famous
1910 report by Abraham Flexner.   Flexner, the owner of a bankrupt prep school, had the
good fortune to have a brother, Simon, who was director of the Rockefeller Institute
for Medical Research.   At his brother's suggestion, Abraham Flexner was
hired by the
Rockefeller-allied Carnegie Foundation so that the report would not be seen as a
Rockefeller initiative.   And Carnegie, whose main goal was to "rationalize" higher
education, that is, replace religion with science, saw the AMA cartelization drive as
useful.   Claiming to have investigated nearly every school in the country, Flexner
rated them on suitability.   Schools he praised received lush grants from the
Rockefeller and associated foundations, and almost all the medical schools he
condemned were shut down, especially the "commercial" institutions. AMA-dominated
state medical boards ruled that in order to practice medicine, a doctor had to
graduate from an approved school.   Post-Flexner, a school could not be approved if it
taught alternative therapies, didn't restrict the number of students, or made profits
based on student fees.
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Why the opposition to for-profit schools?   If an institution were supported by student
fees rather than philanthropic donations, it could be independent of the foundations.
  The Rockefeller family had invested heavily in allopathic drug companies and wanted
doctors to use their products.
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The Flexner Report was more than an attack on free competition funded by special
interests.   It was also a fraud.   For example, Flexner claimed to have thoroughly
investigated 69 schools in 90 days, and he sent prepublication
copies of his report
to the favored schools for their revisions.   Homeopaths noted that his authority
derived solely "from an unlimited access to the pocketbook of a millionaire."
  Homeopaths did not use synthetic drugs, of course. John E. Churchill, president of
the Board of Education of New York, called the report a "menace to the freedom of
teaching."   Years later, Flexner admitted that he knew nothing about medical
education.   But he did not need to in order to serve his employers' purposes.
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Flexner's attack, stepped up by the AMA's Council on Medical Education and its state
medical boards, closed 25 schools in three years, with more over the years to come,
and cut the number of students attending the remaining schools in half.
  All
non-mainstream practitioners were targeted.  
For example, from the early part of the
century, consumers preferred optometrists to ophthalmologists on grounds of both
service and price.   Yet the AMA derided the optometrists as quacks, and in every
state, the AMA-dominated medical boards imposed restrictions on these and other
"sectarian" practitioners when they could not outlaw them entirely.
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Homeopathy still had a remnant of about 13,000 practitioners, supported by a fiercely
loyal customer base, but decades of well-financed attacks had taken their toll.
  The
battle-weary homeopaths eventually gave in, conceding major parts of their doctrine,
but the AMA was not satisfied with anything less than total victory, and today,
American homeopaths practice mostly underground.
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With its monopoly, the AMA sought to fix prices.  
Early on, the AMA had come to the
conclusion that it was "unethical" for the consumer to have any say over what he
paid.   Common prices were transmuted into professional "fees," and the AMA sought to
make them uniform across the profession.  
Lowering fees and advertising them were the
worst violations of medical ethics and were made illegal.  
When fees were raised
across the board, as they frequently could be with decreased
competition, it was done
in secret.
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But organized medicine still feared reporters.   In Illinois in 1906, the publication
of secret fee increases nearly incited public violence.
  The secretary of the Illinois
Medical Society, N.L. Barker, admonished his fellow physicians to keep their higher
"fee-bills" secret, "for the people will not appreciate
what was intended for
kindness and justice."   To collect the higher fees, the AMA recommended that
state-level medical societies develop formal systems.  
If a patient had not paid the
full amount, especially out of dissatisfaction with the
treatment, his name would go
on a blacklist and he would be forbidden all future treatment by doctors until he had
paid up and shut up.
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The AMA, in its constant quest for higher incomes through lower competition, also
battled churches and other charities that gave free medical care to the poor.
  Through
lobbying, it attempted to stamp out what it called "indiscriminate medical charity."
 
A model 1899 law in New York put the control of all free health care under a State
Board of Charities dominated by the AMA.   To diminish the amount of free care, the
board imposed fines and even jail terms on anyone giving treatment without first
getting the patient's address and checking on his financial status.
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Then there was the problem of pharmacists selling drugs without a doctor's
prescription.   This was denounced as "therapeutic nihilism" and the American
Pharmaceutical Association, controlled by the AMA, tried to stamp out the low-cost,
in-demand practice.   In nearly every state, the AMA secured laws that made it illegal
for patients to seek treatment from a pharmacist.   But still common were pharmacists
who refilled prescriptions at customer request.   The AMA lobbied to make this illegal,
too, but most state legislatures wouldn't go along with this because of constituent
pressure.   The AMA got its way through the federal government, of course.
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There were other threats that also had to be put down: "nostrums," treatments that
did not require a visit to the doctor, and midwives, who had better results than
doctors.   Also a danger was "contracting out," a company practice of employing
physicians to provide care for its workers.  
This was "unethical," said the AMA, and
should be illegal.   Fraternal organizations that contracted out for their members were
put out of business with legislated price controls, and hospitals - whose
accreditation the AMA controlled - were pressured to refuse admittance to patients of
contracting-out doctors.
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By the end of the Progressive Era, the orthodox profession as led by the AMA had
triumphed over all of its competitors.   Through the use of government power, it had
come to control education, licensure, treatment, and price.
  Later it outcompeted
fraternal medical insurance with the state-privileged and subsidized Blue Cross and
Blue Shield.   The AMA-dominated Blues, in addition to other benefits, gave us the
egalitarian notion of "community rating," under which everyone pays the same price no
matter what his condition.
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AMA control remains much the same, and as a result, even incompetent doctors are
guaranteed high incomes.   In law, a profession with much freer entry, some lawyers get
rich, others make middle incomes, and others have to go into another line of work.
  But thanks to almost a century and a half of AMA statism, even terrible doctors get
lavish incomes.
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The monopoly also allows anti-customer practices to go unpunished.   For example,
doctors routinely schedule appointments too closely together so as to keep their
waiting rooms full, for prestige and marketing reasons.  
With little competition, they
can get away with it, and advertising on-time service would be "unethical." The next
time you have to wait 45 minutes amid six-month-old People magazines, thank the AMA.
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Now, if Hillary gets her way, licensing will become even
more abusive.   Her Health
Security Act mandates racial quotas for medical students and
faculties, as well as
for practicing physicians in the health alliances.   This is the wits' end of
licensing, which began as an effort by the regulars to weed out
the competition and
will now force on us the spectacularly inept, scalpels in hand.
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Real reform would remove the AMA's grip on the marketplace and
subject the entire
industry to competition.   Until then, stock up on home medical books.
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